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This obligation is corroborated by the positive injunctions of the fcripture, enforcing obedience to the prince whofe image is stamped on his coin, and grounded on the laws of the nation, which, from the earliest periods, have transferred the fubject's allegiance to the king, for the time being, and declared it high treason in a fubject to attempt any thing even against an ufurper, while he is in full poffeffion of the fovereignty. This the laws have wifely ordained, in order to prevent anarchy and confufion; because the common people cannot judge of the king's title. But here I thrust my fickle into the civilian's field; though in the end, oaths of allegiance should be determined by the laws and maxims of the realm, as well as by principles of divinity*. Further, let it be remarked, that the foundation of this decision has been laid in Catholic times; and that in applying it to the actual circumstances, I do not mean to distinguish between right and fact in our moft gracious fovereign. I only argue a minori ad majus, to fhew the guilt of attempting any thing against a lawful fovereign, whereas it is high treafon to confpire against an ufurper,

The famous diftinction between "rex de "jure," and "rex de facto," how interefting foever in the times of the contending families

* Vide Blackstone's Commentaries, book I. chap. 10, Coke, 3 Inft. 7. Kel. rep. 15.

of

of York and Lancaster, James II. and William III. is now of as much importance, as this great question fo warmly debated among our grave moralifts: "Who is happier, a king "awake, or a cobler afleep, who dreams that "he is a king?" I do not choose to disturb the rest of fleeping monarchs, and whoever has a relish for dreams, has my confent, though I like more folid food.

ART. II.

"AND I do faithfully promife to maintain, "fupport, and defend, to the utmost of my power, the fucceffion of the throne, in his Majefty's family, against any perfon or perfons whatsoever."

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Any thing that does not clafh with the laws of God,-whatever is conducive to the public good, and has for its immediate object, the peace of fociety, and avoidance of bloodshed, civil wars, and public calamities,-can be fafely fworn to, and the object of a lawful oath; but fuch is the nature of the fecond article of the teft, which, according to the wife laws of a nation wherein the crown is hereditary in the wearer, equally guards against revolutions fo frequent in defpotic ftates, and elective king

doms.

doms. In the firft, the prince names his fucceffor; and, as others may think themselves injured by fuch a partial preference, the throne is as tottering as the fucceffion is arbitrary. Witness the history of the oriental nations.

In elective kingdoms, corruption, violence, and bribery precede the coronation bloodshed and mifery are the confequences. Poland is no more, because there have been many candidates, but no heir to the throne. Her liberum veto, or charter of unbounded liberty to oppose the king, has aided Pruffia and Auftria in riveting her chains. Here we know our king from his cradle. The object of our homage depends not on the caprice of a father, nor on the ambition of the nobles. It is determined by the law. As our king never dies, we are expofed to no revolutions by the choice of a fucceffor. "The "order of fucceffion is, in monarchies, founded

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on the welfare of the ftate: it is not fixed for the reigning family; but because it is the intereft of the ftate, that it should have a reigning family."*

Montefquieu, Efprit des Loix, vol. II. page 192.

ART.

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"HEREBY utterly abjuring any allegiance "or obedience unto the perfon taking upon "himself the ftyle and title of Prince of "Wales in the life-time of his father, and "who, fince his death, is faid to have af"fumed the ftyle and title of King of Great "Britain and Ireland, by the name of Charles "the third, and to any other perfon claiming "or pretending a right to the crown of thefe "realms."

The proofs of this article may be seen in the explanation of the firft. "It is impoflible to "serve two mafters." Allegiance is due to the reigning fovereign, and from the earliest times, to him alone. In whofe name is juftice adminiftered?" In the name of George the third." In whofe name are we protected from the midnight robber? "In the name of George the "third," &c. &c.

Now, fir, I muft entreat your patience. You know, that in all parliamentary debates on the oppreffive operation of the penal laws, the Stuarts are the greateft obftacle in the Catholics way to a legal indulgence. They are confidered by fome of the illuftrious members, as

the

the polar ftar by which we expect to steer one day into a haven of fafety and deliverance whilft we ourselves look on them as planets of a malific influence.

"Aut Sirius ardor,

"Ille fitim morbofque ferens mortalibus ægris, Nafcitur, et lævo contriftat lumine Cœlum." VIRGIL.

To ftate the cafe, and difabufe gentlemen, amiable and humane in all other respects, but, unluckily for our intereft, too fufpicious of a foreign attachment, which we abfolutely dif claim, let us view the Stuarts in three refpects: firft, With regard to the obligations they have conferred on us: fecond, With regard to what we expect from them: third, With regard to their claims to the crown of England, in quality of defcendants of its ancient and rightful kings. If there be no incentive to gratitude on our part,-no right to our allegiance on theirs,—the bonds of attachment are diffolved, and the great panegyrifts of our love for the Stuart line, reduced to the alternative of adopting the unreasonable whim of the poet :

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"Amo te, Zabede, fed nefcio dicere quare,' "I love you, Charles, but I know not why."

or perfuading themselves, that love is kindled

by

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