The Imperial Eagle, Captain Berkley, left Oftend the 23d of November 1786; arrived at Nootka in the beginning of June 1787, and left it with a cargo of near 700 prime fea-otters fkins, and above one hundred of an inferior quality: they were not fold when the Queen Charlotte left China; but the price put on them was 30,000 dollars. The cargoes of the King George and Queen Charlotte confifted of 2552 fea-otter fkins, 434 cub, and 34 fox fkins, which were difpofed of by the Eaft India Company's Supercargoes. The reft, which confifted of 1c8o beaver tails, fundry pieces of beaver skins and cloaks, 110 fur feal skins, about 150 land-beaver, 60 fine cloaks of the earless marmot, together with a few racoon, fox, lynx, and other skins, were left with the Captains to be fold in the best manner which they were able. The part put into the hands of the fuper cargoes was fold for 50,000 dollars. 2,160 550 55 1,000 Total 53,765 dollars, or fomewhat more than 12,000 /. fterling. Sometime in the year 1786, the Spaniards began to export the fea-otters fkins to China: they are collected about their fettlements at Montrery and San Francifco, and are all of an inferior quality. The Padres are the chief conductors of this trade, which is first fent to Acapulca; thence, in the annual galleon, to Manilla; and again from that place to China; but no fhip has yet been fent directly from their North American fettlements to China. They exported about 200 fkins in the first year, and near 1500 in the fecond. With refpect to improvements in geography, they must not be looked for in the narrative of this voyage: for, except correcting an error of 11 miles in the latitude of the north end of Montague Ifland, part of which, perhaps, may be doubted, nothing occurs which will, in our opinion, contribute to the improvement of that fcience. The author, notwithstanding, fhews a fufficient degree of willingness to find fault with others, and in fome places without occafion. But if the narrative be barren of geographical information, the general chart which accompanies it made us confiderable amends; as it brings us in fome measure acquainted with that part of the coaft, which Captain Cook was not able to trace. We could not help obferving, and it is an exceedingly curious circumftance, LI 3 circumftance, that the fouthern part of the Straits which separate the Iflands, called by Captain Dixon Queen Charlotte's Islands, bears a very great refemblance to the Archipelago of St. Lazarus, and the entrance into the Straits of De Fonte, as they are reprefented in fome of the older maps; and as the fituations of the two places correfpond exactly with one another, it muft, we think, convince every unprejudiced perfon, that the whole of that long-exploded difcovery is not a fable, as most people have lately been difpofed to think it, from the ridiculous additions which have been made to it by interefted fchemers. But this is not the only discovery which we owe to the activity and intrepidity of Captain Dixon. He has brought us acquainted with feveral excellent harbours on the weft coaft of America which were unknown before; and, in his run along this coaft, has fhewn a boldness of execution, and a genius for difcovery, which approach nearer to that of our immortal Cook, than any of his companions have manifefted. Captain Dixon, if we miftake not, was born fomewhere near Temple Sowerby in Weftmoreland; and was brought up to fome branch of the jewellery. Prompted by an inclination for novelty, he left his own country, and came to London, with a very flender recommendation. We have heard, that the first employment which he obtained was, to affift in cleaning the armour in the Tower. When Captain Cook was fitting out for his laft voyage, he applied to go with him; but no fituation could be found for him but that of armourer. In that capacity, he frequently worked as a finith, in almost every branch of that extenfive trade; and performed his bufinefs fo well as to become, in fome degree, a favourite with his commander. In this voyage also he found means to make himself a very good feaman; but, indeed, few could fail long in any capacity under Cook without enlarging his ftock of nautical knowledge. After his return from the voyage with Captain Cook, Mr. Bolts fitted out the Count de Cobenzell for the weft coaft of America, and Mr. Dixon was engaged by him as trader, or fupercargo, on that occafion, and went with the fhip to Triefte. Every one knows that Mr. Bolts's misfortunes put a stop to that voyage while the Count de Cobenzell lay at Triefte; and Mr. Dixon, with fome others, was left (with what they could recover) to find their way, acrofs Germany, back to England. We are totally ignorant, how he was employed after his arrival in England this time, until 1785, when the command of the Queen Charlotte was given to him by Mr. Etches and his partners; and we are alfo ignorant how he was recommended to their notice: but their employing him in the capacity which they did, has certainly been fully juftified by the event; and we fincerely wish to fee him engaged in a more minute examination of the coaft on which he has failed. We have two remarks to make on the chart. First, whatever name the Ruffian traders might give to the land which forms Cape Whitiunday, it is very certain, not only from Captain Cook's account, but from all the accounts which we have of the Ruffian difcoveries, that it is not the fland called Kodiag in their maps, and by the native inhabitants; and to call more lands than one, in the fame quarter, by the fame name, tends to create confufion. It is alfo obvious that this land cannot poffibly have the form which Captain Dixon has given it in his chart, because Captain Cook fays (vol. ii. p. 405.) "In standing in for this coaft we crossed the mouth of Whitfuntide Bay, and saw land all round the bottom of it; fo that either the land is connected, or the points lock in one behind another." Secondly, we with Captain Dixon had given his reafons for making the land of Cape Edgecumbe an ifland; because the map flatly contradicts the narrative, which exprefsly fays, they did not find that Norfolk Sound had any communication with the Bay of Islands. Wal.s. ART. VII. Zeluco. Various Views of Human Nature, taken from Life and Manners, Foreign and Domeftic. In 2 Vols. 8vo. about 500 Pages each. 125. Boards. Cadell. 1789. HIS THIS S is not a common novel. The author's mind is stored with useful knowlege, and adorned with elegant literature. He appears to have read the great book of life with attention and profit. The important moral of his work is, the inevitable mifery of Vice;' but his obfervations are confined chiefly to those inward pangs of forrow, remorfe, and terror, which a vicious conduct never fails to produce; and from which, the moft hardened villain, in the midft of the greateft worldly profperity, is not exempt. To illuftrate this truth (which, until men change their natures, can never be too often inculcated, or too powerfully enforced), the author relates the life and adventures of Zeluco, the only fon of a noble and wealthy family of Palermo, in Sicily, whofe early tendency to infolence was, after the death of his father, encouraged by the indulgence of a fond and foolish mother. In difplaying the character and fufferings of Zeluco, his external magnificence and internal mifery, many other characters are introduced; which are accurately defcribed, and nicely dif criminated; and in explaining the great moral leffon of the narration, many other maxims of morality are illuftrated by obfervations equally ingenious and folid, which are fometimes new, and always ftriking, by the manner in which they are conveyed. To moft of the chapters in his work, the author has prefixed wellchofen poetical mottoes; fo that the performance may be con L14 fidered fidered as a feries of moral effays, connected by one entertaining and instructive story, in which the drynefs of reasoning is enlivened by the charms of narration, and the weakness of precept enforced by the power of example. With thefe advantages, the work before us unites another of a more peculiar kind; being diftinguished by a very confiderable fhare of true and original humour. Unlike to most modern novels, which have little other merit but that of exciting curiofity, and which are thrown afide as fcon as that curiofity is gratified, the ftory, or fable, in this performance, is to be confidered merely as the canvas, on which this fkilful obferver of life and manners delineates fuch moral pictures as are likely to excite the attention of his age and country. As a fpecimen of the author's ftyle, and to justify our opinion of his work, we fhall infert his remarks on a fubject peculiarly interefting at the prefent moment→→ Difappointment and difquietude had attended Zeluco through the whole of his life, notwithstanding the great acquifition of fortune he derived from his marriage; even his matrimonial state had been embittered with continual chagrin. This was the natural effect of his own vicious conduct; yet by a partiality of felf-deceit, which is very common, he always imputed his miffing of happiness to other causes: few people blame themfelves, while it is in the power of felf-love to twilt the charge against others. All the difcontent and fretfulness which Zeluco experienced during the lifetime of his wife, he thought originated in the ill-humour and bad temper of that unhappy woman. When he was freed therefore from what he confidered as the only obstruction to his happiness, he expected that what he had hitherto purfued without attaining was at laft within his reach. But to render his felicity more certain and permanent, he thought it neceflary to bring his eftate to the highest pitch of improvement; after which he proposed to return to Europe, and there in fplendor and magnificence enjoy every pleafure that his heart could defire. 6 In the profecution of this plan he laboured with fuch affiduity and impatience as kept himself in everlasting fretfulness, and proved fatal to feveral of his flaves, fome of whom expired under the exertions he forced them to make, and others under the punishments he inflicted for the fmalleft remiffness or neglect. 6 Zeluco was now in that fituation in which the understanding cannot improve, and the difpofition is the most likely to degenerate; avoiding and being avoided by every perfon of a liberal and independent mind; living almoft conftantly on his own eftate with a set of people over whom he had unlimited power; feeing no perfon whofe character he much refpected, or whofe cenfure he fo much dreaded as to put him on his guard against the overflowings of paffion, or make him check the impulfes of caprice, of courfe he became every day more unreasonable, paffionate, and cruel; and at length was unable to hear with patience the most candid and rational remonstrance, flying into violent fits of rage on the moft trivial occafions; and when * From the Weft-Indies. his his domeftics had the good fortune to execute his orders with fuch precision and rapidity as left him not the leaft pretence for blame, he then turned his rancour on the climate and foil, the viciffitudes of the weather, bursting into ridiculous fits of paffion at the commoneft and moft inevitable occurrences. The daily habit which this odious man thus acquired of tormenting him fe'f, would have afforded fatisfaction to all who were witneffes to it, had it not been accompanied with the diabolical propensity to harafs and torment all thofe unfortunate creatures whom Providence, for reafons we cannot penetrate, fubjected to his power. When a man of a good difpofition is of a peevish, fretful, and capricious temper, which unfortunately is fometimes the cafe, the uneafinefs which he needlefsly gives himself is lamented by thofe who are acquainted with his entire character. But when a villain is the flave of caprice, and of course a felf-tormentor, his mifery affords fatisfaction and amufement to ail who know him. And although they durft not display it openly, yet it undoubtedly gave fecret fatiffaction to every one of this wretched man's flaves, to be witneffes to the difquietude and mifery of their perfecutor. Zeluco having been reprefented as avaricious as well as cruel, it may be faid that the firft of thofe difpofitions would prove a restraint upon the last; and that the fuggeftions of felf-interest would prevent his pushing cruelty the length of endangering the lives of his flaves. It is a common argument against the neceflity of new laws for the protection of flaves, that they need no protection from a jutt and humane matter, because he will never injure them; nor from a master of an oppofite character, because his own intereft will be their protection but let it be remembered, that men who are not naturally compaffionate, who are devoid of religious impreffions, and in the habit of giving vent to every guft of ill-humour, are apt, in the violence of rage, to become deaf to the voice of common fenfe and intereft, as well as of juftice and mercy. An unfortunate gamester throws the cards into the fire, and regrets that they have not feeling; a choleric man breaks and destroys the furniture of his houfe, however valuable; and how often do we fee men in an abfurd rage abuse their moft ferviceable cattle? But a thousand caufes, which muft occur to every one, expofe human creatures to the vindictive rage of ill-tempered proprietors in a much greater degree than inanimate things or the brute creation ever can be. And we find in fact, that cruel and paffionate masters, however interested in other respects, do gratify their ill-humour against their most valuable flaves at the expence of their interest. It will be alleged, that in all the Christian colonies the flaves are fo far protected from the injustice of their mafter, that none of them can be condemned capitally, but after trial in a court of justice. Long experience has made it clear, however, that the proprietors of land in thofe colonies, Chriftians as they are, fhew little difpofition to listen to the complaints of flaves, or interfere with each other refpecting the manner in which flaves are treated; and when it is whifpered about, that a flave has expired under the lafh, or has died in confequence of the arbitrary punishment of his mafter, people in general |