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ART. V. The Battle of Bofworth Field, between Richard the Third and Henry Earl of Richmond, Auguft 22, 1485. Wherein is defcribed the Approach of both Armies, with a Plan of the Battle, its Confequences, the Folly, Treatment, and Character of Richard. To which is prefixed, by way of Introduction, a Hiftory of his Life, till he affumed the regal Power. By W. Hutton, F. A. S. S. 8vo. 5s. Boards. Baldwin. 1788.

TO part of the English hiftory, fince the conqueft, is fo obfcure and uncertain, as that of the long-fubfifting quarrel between the houfes of Lancaster and York." And it is the more remarkable," fays Mr. Hume, "that this profound darkness falls upon us juft on the eve of the reftoration of letters, and when the art of printing was already known in Europe." But this latter circumftance, this recent and great acquirement, and which, in the opinion of that writer, might be expected to have diffused a knowlege of the feveral occurrences at the period in queftion, had a totally contrary effect; which effect is thus judicioufly accounted for by Sir John Fenn, who obferves,

that the art of printing being newly difcovered, people ne glected to multiply their manufcripts, and being anxious to preferve the hiftory of paft times, forgot the prefent."

Mr. Hutton, equally fenfible of the defectivenefs of our chronicles, in recording a particular incident of the times, has zealously undertaken to give it the clearness it manifeftly wants.

Perfuaded' (fays he, in his preface), that the latter part of this important quarrel, the battle of Bofworth, is fuperficially repre fented, I have taken fome pains in a minute research. This little work will nearly comprehend the hiftory of Richard's short reign.

He has collected a multiplicity of circumftances relative to the battle, and defcribed it with an exactness, which will be acceptable to the antiquary, and useful to the hiftorian in his fearch after truth, The following extracts will bring our readers acquainted with the writer's motives for the publication of the volume before us:

Very few pieces of history demand more attention than the defcription of the battle. When the lives of thoufands, the change of property, and the fate of empires, are at stake, no wonder our thoughts are captivated. It follows, the more material the action, the more faithful ought to be the defcription. The battle of Bofworth was the laft of thirteen between the houses of York and Lancafter; and though it was one of the laft, it was of more confequence than the other twelve; nay, the revolutions it caufed, were of greater moment than thofe of any other, fince the conqueft; for it produced a change in the conflitution. Villanage was abolished: the feudal fyftem overturned; commercial treaties were ratified; a Spirit of industry encouraged; a flow of wealth was the refult; and a kind of equality was established among men. * Interefted even from childhood in this important event, I enjoyed a pleasure in enquiry. By carefully examining every author I could meet with, I learnt all they knew. I have made feveral vifits in the space of

eighteen

eighteen years to the field itself, merely for information and infpection. I have alfo made many enquiries into the traditions in the vicinity of Bofworth field, and found this the most copious fource of intelligence. Though much was loft, much was preferved. If fome of the remarks I met with were crude and contradictory, yet fometimes one little hint ignorantly dropt, fet many uncertainties to rights. If new difficulties arofe, I read, thought, and travelled for a folution. By carefully comparing the writers, the field, and the traditions, I have attempted to remove fome abfurdities, and place truth on firmer ground. I do not, however, pretend to enumerate every fact, or warrant the truth of every word; for it must be confidered, the period is diftant, and many incidents which are material, and would elucidate others, are buried in time. In fome parts of the road I am obliged to follow the footsteps of my predeceffors.. Where they treat of the interefts of Richard or Henry, they must be followed with caution; but where thofe interefts are out of the question, they are much fafer guides. When I quit their path, and follow my own, I fhall be attentive to punctuality. Truth is the ground-work of the hiftorian: he who fays the best things fays the truest *.

That part of our author's performance which comprises the life of Richard, till he affumed the regal power,' is intended to fet his character in a fomewhat amiable point of view. It is chiefly extracted from Buck, Rapin, Carte, Walpole, and Fenn, and is preparatory to his general vindication, or, at leaft, to an extenuation of the guilty proceedings of which he has been accufed by Lancaftrian hiftorians, and alfo by fome others of a later date. The truly ingenious Mr. Walpole + was the firft who attempted, in a particular manner, to rescue the memory of Richard from the obloquy which had been generally thrown on it, He knew, that to palliate the crimes imputed to the King were to lofe the point for which he was contending, and be therefore laboured to prove his innocence:—and this in every accufation exhibited against him. Hence, in our opinion, his principal error; for though he has certainly cleared Richard from feveral of the murders he has been charged with, there are notwithstanding others of which it is highly probable that he was the author, as Mr. Hume has very fully evinced in a note to

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This latter member of the fentence comes under the defcription of Tully's inverfio verborum, and the reafoning is confequently falfe. The writer means, we prefume,-he who fays the trueft things fays the beft: or, he fays the beft things who fays the trueft. Again, in fpeaking of Edward IV. he obferves, Gloucefter did not foften the fpirit of his brother favage. But why his brother Savage? Edward and Richard were defcended neither from the Iroquois nor Catawabs, nor indeed from any other uncivilized tribe. Mr. Hutton would no doubt fay, his favage (i. e. cruel) brother.

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+ See our account of Hiftoric Doubts on the Life and Reign of Richard H. Rev. vol. xxxviii. p. 114.

the laft edition of his Hiftory of England, and which is given by way of answer to the hiftoric doubts.

Mr. Hatton does not follow the fteps of Mr. Walpole; he attempts not entirely to exculpate his hero,'-for fo be ftyles him, but rather to apologize for his conduct on the plea of neceffity*, from the force of his ambition, and from the boldness of his character.

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Had Richard been profperous' (fays his apologift), he would, with all his faults, have paffed through life with eclat. Many of the English Princes have been as guilty as Richard, but lefs blamed, because more fuccessful. The treatment of Duke Robert by his brother, William Rufus, and Henry I. was infinitely more diabolical than that of Richard to Clarence, King John murdered his nephew and his fovereign, as well as Richard. The deftruction of Warwick by Henry VII. was as vile a murder as that of Edward V.'

This endeavour to vindicate the character of Richard, by comparing him with others who have been guilty of equal, or perhaps of greater crimes than himself, will not be very fatisfac tory to the man of reafon and virtue. It tends indeed to the annihilation of every moral and religious duty, The tyrant, who, after committing three or four murders, fhall ftop his hand, becaufe his end is fully anfwered by them, is fcarcely lefs an object of deteftation than he who adds to their number in the profecution of his ambitious fchemes. The author again remarks,

• There is not in the whole hiftory of the English Kings a fimilar inftance of a Prince forming a defign upon the crown, laying fo able and deep a fcheme, in which were fo many obftacles; furmounting them all, and gaining the beloved object in eight weeks. These obftacles would have appeared infurmountable to any eye but Richard's. He had to overcome Rivers and Gray, with all their adherents, who were powerful, and in poffeffion of the Sovereign; the potent friends of Edward's family, as Derby, Haftings, York, Ely, &c.; but what was fingular, he had the moft powerful of all, the people. The fate of every branch of oppofition was determined; the King (Edward V.) was committed to prifon. Stanly was to be cut off, as if by an accidental blow; the two Bishops feized and confined. Rivers, with the King's friends, were folemnly murdered in the face of the fun: Haftings in a manner unknown in hiftory; and what was aftonishing, the people were most unaccountably duped. A bolder difplay of masterly talents is no where met with.'

What a fingular commendation! and how extraordinary the cause! The man who gains a throne by blood and treason is then an HERO?-But Mr Hutton has frequently the appearance of inconfiftency. This arifes from his cenfuring Plantagenet as

• So spoke the fiend, and with neceffity,

The tyrant's plea, excus'd his dev'lish deeds. MILTON.

an

an human being, yet vindicating him as he was an able and a powerful King.

The ftyle of this performance, in general, is ill fuited to the ferious dignity of hiftory; and in fome few places it finks remarkably below it; yet, on the whole, it is not an uninteresting work. A.B.

ART. VI. A fummary and philofophic View of the Genius, Character, Manners, Government, and Politics of the Dutch. 8vo. 4s. Boards. Hookham. 1788.

TH

HIS work bears no relation, whatever, to the recent difturbances in Holland, but is confined entirely to an examination of the character and manners of the people, together with their form of government. In the dedication, to the Prince of Orange, are the following words: While the writer endeavoured to difplay the merits of the people he was defcribing, truth no lefs required, that in fuch a representation, their defects alfo fhould not be omitted; otherwife he would, inftead of a picture, have compofed a panegyric, and in lieu of the strict veracity juftly expected on fuch an occafion, he would have been guilty of deception, and incurred the fufpicion of venality." How far our author has adhered to this his principle of impartiality, we hall briefly enquire.

He fets out with a laboured encomium on the Dutch, and on their intrepid behaviour in throwing off the yoke of Spain. In this particular inftance, they certainly appear to confiderable advantage. A nation emancipated from a ftate of flavery, and that by the united efforts of valour and virtue, will ever appear an interefting object in the eyes of all who can think and determine for themselves. But when the author is equally lavifh in commendation of the conduct of the Hollander in the year 1672, and when he talks of the ignominious alliance of the court of England with that of France'-which alliance took place at the period in queftion-we muft beg leave to enter our diffent from his judgment and opinion, as being fomewhat unwarrantable and unjuft. Holland was undoubtedly the aggreffor. The chaftisement the received, however, was poffibly too fevere.

We have a good opinion of the courage of the Hollanders ; but this author muft pardon us if we cannot, in conformity with the fentiments he has advanced, place it in a perfect parallel with that which was to be feen in ancient times. It is very poffible that there are Dutchmen who may be equal in valour to any of the heroes of antiquity; but as they never had an op

What will the reader fay to fuch language as this:- Were I allowed to treat royalty with plainnefs, Richard was an accomplished rafcal, and Henry not one jot better ¿'

portunity

portunity of fhewing that valour in a like extent, fo is it im poffible for us to allow them a fimilar, or an adequate propor tion of praife. But leaving the matter of perfonal bravery undeterminedfince as a commercial nation a fpirit of conqueft is wholly foreign to the profpects of the Dutch-we proceed to confider them in other, and, we think, in their proper lights. The volume before us is intended, as we have already intimated, to fet the people of Holland in an advantageous and ftriking point of view. We think, however, that the writer has defeated his purpose by aiming at too much. Many, he obferves, have treated the Dutch as objects of their rifibility, on account of the love of lucre fo prevalent in them all; and at this he is highly offended. It is by no means our defire to be ranked with those who treat this people, from fuch particular failing, as objects of their rifibility; we rather confider them as objects of pity on that very account, fince nothing will fo effectually feel the heart against the nobler and more generous fentiments of humanity. But this their conftitutional parfimony, this their regard and attachment to felf, is by the worldling, and likewife by their author, denominated prudence. Be it fo. But in our opinion the vice of diffipation, however cenfurable in itself, is highly preferable to fuch frozen virtues.

We will now examine the force of this writer's reasoning on the abilities, the genius of the people in queftion. He obferves

Those who tax the Dutch with heaviness of genius, may foon be convinced of their mistake by attending to the multiplicity of productions of every fort, that are owing to the laborious fertility of their imaginations, and the wonderful indefatigableness of their toil. This is a praife which even their enemies have freely and explicitly confeffed. Strade*, a Jefuit, who lived at a time when religious inveteracy was widely diffufed over Europe, nevertheless expreffes the favourable opinion entertained of the Dutch at that period, with peculiar pointed nefs: Rara hodie admirarum machinamenta, qua Belgica non invenerit, aut non abfolverit." "We admire," fays he, "now-a-days, but few discoveries of art, which have not been either invented, or brought to perfection by the Dutch."Other nations have carried their improvements to a great height fince that epocha; but no country, England excepted, can vie with Holland in those refpects.'

Strada's expreffion is by no means to be understood in the latitude given to it by our author. Machinamenta must not be interpreted by difcoveries of art. It merely fignifies, fuch things as come from the hands of the mechanic +. Strada would infinu.

• Strada, was the name of this Jefuit, not Strade.

+ Machinamentum, perhaps, more generally fignifies, a battering engine; in which fenfe it is ufed by Livy, 24. 34: "Machinamenta quatiendis muris portabant:" and if this be its true meaning, Strada feems to have used it improperly.

ate,

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